From; Freedom Bureau Commissioner Home office
Soddy Daisy ,Tennessee 37379
423- 362-0088
Email reconmarine6@excite.com
Mandamus request from a “Great Man” A Guardian of an express trust for a First jurisdiction over subject matter and allow Basil Marceaux a Christian A Force Recon Marine civilian . one of the best of all soldiers with the highest Oath of the land a Protect and Defend land and sea , domestic and foreign against all enemies to order God back in our government on national T.V. using FEDERAL ACT 241
This law says on 3841 3rd column that a Army, Navy civilian , that a Marine ,belong to the president Army and belong to the Navy is “Great Men” and a federal judge and on page 3842 in column 1 says he can walk in to the U.S. Supreme Court and when a Great rules on land and judges no appeal can be taken
If I can do this, then I’m the highest authority to Constitution, In the beginning all members of congress must believe in god , but no pastors can hold those offices
I, Basil Marceaux order April 17, 2007 God Back into the United State Government and it will be unlawful for anyone to say separate church and state.
This law says on page 3842 also says our county was invaded.
Do you know who?
Can an invader changes the law? No
Everybody was taught in school about 40 acres and a mule that was given to the black which is stated in the first column, WHY DID THE GOVERNMENT CENSOR THE GREAT MAN AND THE INVASION OUT OF HISTORY?
This law says there will be need for this law when we are a republic again
we are not a republic we are a democracy! If you do not believe me go back and listen to president Bush oath speech, he said the pledge to a republic flag , oath to a republic constitution, then told all America Democracy must live on but never took a oath to it.
God is in our pledge, Declaration of Independent , all oaths. on our money.
It not in schools, they tried to take it out of our pledge and out our public buildings
Our public officials claim to be Christians but only between the hours 5:00 P.M. and 6:00 A.M.
Bring God Back , nobody can over rule a Great Man
You can find this in the Library of the Congress
God must always be first, then the invasion , then slavery at traffic stops. U.S. Supreme Court says no to the stops and the gun that traffic cops wear and county court says yes, now they shoot us, would not be murder ? that 3,239 murders in the U.S. Mass murders and 51 in my home town, but that another story!
This Great Man is poor an airplane ticket and lodging for two would be necessary!
Submitted respectfully
Basil Marceaux
810 Hyatt Rd.
Soddy Daisy, Tn 37379
FEDERAL ACT 241
“CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE 39TH CONGRESS”
Page 3841 Column 1Sir, I know that it is perfectly useless to appeal to the Constitution of the United States. It is a dead letter. It has no more weight or consideration in the legislation of Congress, in my judgment, than any other piece of printed matter. Not only are the negroes of the South set free by which the object and the aim of all the abolitionists in the land was accomplished as in the land was accomplished as we supposed, but a bill is passed by Congress conferring upon them all civil rights enjoyed by white citizens of the country, and they are now selected out from among the people of the United States, the public Treasury put at their disposal, and the white people of the country taxed for their support. Lands to which you claim title by virtue of a purchase under a tax sale, lands, therefore (if you have the title) of the United States, you take and give to the negroes in South Carolina. You give these lands to no white person, if it be said that is not an absolute gift, you may make money of it, the answer is that you say you sell them to negroes for $1 50 an acre. If you have the title to these lands, what is the reason that you select out the negro race and fix the price at $1 50 an acres, when, if your title be perfect, you can command perhaps fifty or one hundred dollars an acre for these cotton lands? If it was proper to make the remark in the Senate of the United States, I could say that you could have a purchaser without going out of the Senate at ten dollars an acre, taking the whole of them, every acre of the sixty-odd thousand acres which you propose to sell to these negroes at $1 50 an acre. If you have the title to these lands, that is the way you propose to dispose of them at a nominal price to the negro race.Mr. President, I shall attempt no review of the operations of the Freedman’s Bureau. I never believed that Congress has any right to establish any such bureau to take under its charge any particular portion of the people of the United States and to provide for them out of the public Treasury or out of the public lands. Such legislation was unknown in the early history of the Government, unknown until these extra ordinary times; but, sir, it seems that we have become so much wiser than our fathers that we have discovered new principles of government, and have found somewhere within our legislative power the authority to become guardians for four million negroes.Mr. President, there is one aspect of this case, and it will apply to many other cases that come before Congress, that it is time for the American people to begin to consider. If there is anything in private life to which I am opposed; if there is anything that I would oppose as a legislator, it is the repudiation of a private debt, and I do not believe in the repudiation of a public debt. This species of legislation taxes an unwilling people to support negroes in idleness, gives away your lands, if they be your lands, to negroes, that they may live in idleness upon them; deprives citizens of the United States of their title to lands contrary to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, which declares that they shall not be so divested except by due process of law. Pile up your public debt until it becomes so onerous that the people cannot and will not further bear it, and there are men in this country so anxious for political power, so anxious for political promotion that they will start a part in the country to wipe out the debt and get clear of the burden which you wish to impose upon them. I do not wish to see this; I wish to see the national faith and the national honor maintained; but sire, there is a limit to oppression and there is a limit to taxation beyond which the people will not suffer. Already, not in the South, for I have seen no indications from the quarter of any intention to repudiate this debt, but I will tell you, sir, that now, in your own free States, there are men, in my judgment, who would hail the day when your public debt-at least so much of it as has accrued from the appropriation of many to supportPage 3841 Column 2these negroes in idleness-there are men, I say, who would gladly see that portion of the public debt wiped out.This may be plain talk. No man can charge me with a design or a wish that such should be the case; but you must know that men are governed by interest. Your public debt is now over $3,000,000,000. You have added to it enormously during the present session. You propose to continue taxes upon the people of the United States to support this Freedmen’s Bureau for two years longer, and what will be the amount of expenditure under this bill no one can tell. The Commissioner may appoint just as many agents as he pleases, at a salary of not less than $300 each. It is impossible, there fore, for you to determine the amount of expenditure that will take place under this bill. It is so much more needlessly added to your public debt.Why, sir, it seems to me that we have got to conclude that there is no end to the resources of this country or the ability of the people to pay taxes. It used to be that a public debt of $100,000,000 was considered a great burden. An annual expenditure for the purposes of Government of fifty or sixty or seventy-five million dollars was considered such a wasteful expenditure of the public money that when you met in Chicago in 1800 you proclaimed yourselves the friends of retrenchment and reform, and were going to administer this Government upon more economical principles, at a less expenditure than it had been administered theretofore. And yet, sir, in the five or six year you have been in power you have piled up a debt of some five thousand million dollars. You yourselves admitted, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in the House at the commencement of the session admitted that the public debt was $4,000,000,000 and more, and you are levying taxes upon the people of the country to pay the interest upon this enormous debt, and you propose to pay a portion of the principal. Where is the money to come from? There is taxation burdensome, onerous, upon all classes of the community, a stamp upon everything, the necessaries of life two or threefold higher in price than heretofore, and you suppose the people of this country are so absolutely demented that for mere love of the idle, worthless negro race they are going to submit to all this burden of taxation, and that this false philanthropy, the parent of idleness and vagabondism as far as that race is concerned, is going to waft you again into the seats of power and that a tax-ridden and tax-burdened people are going to hail you as the great party to save the country upon the principles of liberty and there to meet you with hosannas wherever you bear your partisan standards and cast their votes to continues you in the high places of power.Sir, there are periods in the history of the world, of all nations and people, when madness seizes upon the mind, when the judgment flies to brutish beasts. We have for a long time been in that situation, passing through it, in it, however, still; but, thank God, the symptoms of a political and a bright dawning began to appear. The People of this country at least are beginning to wake up to the true character of this legislation. Sirs, you sit not quietly in your seats; you are not entirely calm when you can be so alarmed at the call for a little meeting in Philadelphia. IT shows that you yourselves begin to think that there is something in your past political action that the judgment of the American people may not approve. You cannot pretend now that we are in the midst of a war. You cannot set up that plea of necessity, the last refuge of every man without any legal authority to support his action. You cannot set up such a plea as that, and say that there is any necessity for this Freemen’s Bureau. When the people of this country are called upon for their taxes, which, in part, are to be appropriated to the support of this Freemen’s Bureau, you cannot plead that we are now in a state of war and it is necessary to break down the military power in the South;Page 3841 Column 3it is necessary to preserve the integrity of the country; for I presume that in view of your legislation you yourselves will even now blush to say that you ever have preserved the American Union. You can plead none of these things. It is a direct, plain, palpable proposition to the American people to put their hands in their pockets, pull out the earning of their labor, and appropriate them to support the negroes in idleness. It seems to me that you believe sincerely the honestly that they will respond to such a call as that.But, Mr. President, there is a feature in this bill that undertakes to declare and almost undertakes to say that that shall be so which cannot in the very nature of things be so. This bill says that these agents of the Freemen’s Bureau, these guardian angels of the saintly negroes, these protectors of the idols of your heart, shall be under the military protection and subject to the military jurisdiction of the United States. What are they? Are they persons belonging to the Army or Navy of the United States? And can you by act of Congress say that A B, who in fact is in civil life, shall for certain purposes be considered as belonging to the military service? If you can say that the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau, who cultivate the cotton lands of the South by negro labor for their own benefit, and who dispense your alms to those freed negroes, shall be under the military jurisdiction and protection of the United States, you may say that every member of this Senate and every private citizen of the United States shall be subject to the military protection and under the military jurisdiction of the United States; that he shall be protected by and have a remedy by and through the military power of the United States. How, sir, do you reconcile that with the Constitution of the United States, which declares that all civilians shall be subject to the civil law, and that only those persons who are engaged in the land and the naval forces shall be subject to the military jurisdiction of the United States?An attempt is made by this bill, therefore, to subvert a plain, palpable provision of the Federal Constitution by rendering civilians subject to military jurisdiction and affording them military protection. And what will be the consequence of this? If one of these agents, clothed with a little brief authority, dares to invade the right of any citizen of any State in which he shall be located, and the citizen seeks redress in the courts of law against him, you say by your bill that he shall be subject to the military jurisdiction and have the protection of the military power. You bring him in direct conflict with the civil authority of the States wherever any branch of this Freedmen’s Bureau shall be located. He is to b e protected by the military authority of the United States, and you exempt him in fact from trial for any wrong whatever, murder, breach of the peace, or any crime that can be committed. You exempt the party committing such offenses from responsibility to the civil tribunals. Some little military hero, who perhaps has never smelled gunpowder in battle, but who has been placed in charge of this Freedmen’s Bureau, is to step in and say to the highest courts in the States and to the highest civil authority, “You shall not take cognizance of offenses against the laws, for I am the great man, above the State law and all State authority, that is to determine whether this one of the pet lambs of congressional legislation shall be held amenable for his action or not.”This provision of this bill is totally subversive of the civil law of the land, and it is subjecting the civil authority in time of peace to the military authority. But, sir, that is not all. There is another provision of this bill. It used to be thought that it required many years of long labor and study to become a judge. It used to be a maxim that twenty years at least were required; but, sir, you are making judges fast. These commissioners and agents are by the provisions of this bill actually constituted judges-men who neither know the definition of an estate for life, for years, or in fee, whoPage 3842 Column 1know nothing in the world about land except they see the dirt of which it is composed and the vegetation that springs out of the ground. They are made judges, and judges in reference to title to lands, and judges, too, from whose decision there is to be no appeal. This bill expressly declares that these commissioners and agents shall determine the title to lands, and to give no appeals from their very learned and grave decision. Any ignoramus that has never seen a law book, and perhaps if he ever saw one could not read it, and ever fellow who never conceived a principle of law or a principle of justice, is to sit in solemn judgment in reference to the title to estates, and from his decision no aggrieved party can appeal.Mr. President, I question not the motives of others; I have no right to question them; but I have a right to speak my own honest opinions, and I think that the wit of man could not have framed a bill obnoxious to more serious objections in point of law than this bill to extend the operations of the Freedmen’s Bureau; and certainly if it had been the design to frame a bill impolite in its character, unwise in its provisions, ingenuity could not have possibly devised a bill to accomplish such a purpose more effectually than this. But, Mr. President, it is a foregone conclusion that this bill is to pass. A war, it seems, has been got up between the President of the United States and another portion of his party. The hostile armies on either side are arrayed. I will not be even a private in the ranks of either. I support the President wherever I believe he is right, and I oppose him where ever I believe his is wrong; and while I believe that you by your legislation are greatly promoting his political interests, and peradventure may lead to a renewal of his term of office, yet I claim not to belong to his party nor to yours-neither detachment nor wing of the party. But, sir, it seems this war has been got up, feeling has been engendered; and then when the President of the United Sates sends in a message assigning the strongest possible reasons why your bill should not become a law of the land, the bill must be fought out on this line though it takes all summer-no trace, no cessation of hostilities. All I have got to say is, keep on if you think there is no hereafter. It will not be long before the American people will decide upon the merits of this controversy. Passion is not going to last always; men are not going to be maddened always; the time for clear deliberation and clam thoughtfulness will come at last, and when it does come, I apprehend the reaction will be as powerful as was the invasion of constitutional liberty and constitutional principles by the now dominant party.The people of this country will not always submit to this species of legislation, but resorting to the peaceful method of the ballot box, tired of the control and mismanagement of a part that keeps one third of this Union practically out of the Union, which shuts the halls of legislation against the representatives of eleven States of the Union, and assumes to legislate not only for the States they represent but for those who are denied a voice in the councils of the nation, the time will come, I humbly hope and believe, when the American people, aroused to a sense of their own dignity and their own character and their own interests will, by filling these Halls with representatives of their will, forever put an end to this species of legislation and again restore the Government to the principles upon which it was administered by the founders of the Republic.The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is Shall the bill pass, the objections of the President notwithstanding? This question, under the Constitution, will be taken by yeas and nays.The question being taken, resulted – yeas 33, nays 12; as follows:YEAS-Mesars. Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cruxfu, Creswell, Edmunds, Frsuden, Foster, Grimce, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Kirkwood, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Polland, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart,Page 3842 Column 2Sumner, Trumbul, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Yates-33.NAYS-Messrs, Buckalew, Davic, Doolittle, Gatherie, Hendricks, Johnson, McDougall, Nesmith, Norton, Riddle, Saulsbery, and VanWinkle-12.ABSENT-Messrs, Cowan, Dixon, Lane of Kansas, and Wright-4.The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Two thirds of this body have passed the bill, and it having been certified to this House that two thirds of the House of Representatives have voted for this bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding, and two thirds of this body having also voted for the bill, after reconsideration, the objections of The President notwithstanding, I now pronounce that this bill has become a law.
Commissioner /agent Basil Marceaux I as
a cFrom the desk of Freedom Bureau
ivilian U.S. Force Recon Marine
U.S. treasury
Brad Moore
Thank for taking my call the other day I only had little time to cover all details but as we read the congressional globe and other documents in the annals of congress in is clear that our county was invaded by a specimens group who does not follow the republic principles of our forefathers as stated in the congressional globe below .
This president was the last president who served as a president for republic form of government being that this one nation under god is now two nations under god and there nothing that he could do about ihe was invaded and today the second nation does not like our nation being under god.
The first document tell the duties of a U.S. Marshal when a freedom bureau Commissioner/ agent comes to there door and when the treasury of the United States specially authorize and required to pay the cost to bring the constitutional violators to justice
The second document tell who the Freedom Bureau commissioner/agent are. As it was ask by the congress who are the guardian angels of the Negro? are they army or navy? The Man who can walk in any state court and remove the judge who does not follow republic principle and go to the highest civil court of the land and do the same when it comes to breaking The U.S. Constitution and taking property from a citizen while doing so and is no appeal when these commissioner rules and all freedom Bureau commissioner/ agents a immuned from all crimes that may exist and has a license to kill for life.
I’m sure you can see it in the third column where the president told the congress you take a=b who is a civilian and the soldier with no powder in there musket are also included and may work in the field is a Freedom Bureau commissioner/agent and should be paid $500 a year by the treasury
In the last paragraph this president order anyone of these agents to change the U. S. back to a republic because the navy and the army allowed our country to be invaded this was there final hope.
Because i hold a federal protect and defend oath to the constitution for life Once a Marine always a Marine, if you do not believe me call the Marine and ask them if my oath is for life?
I’m am the president army and navy , I’m a civilian and i use a knife no gun or powder 80% of the time.
Being the invaders stop my funding the act is still law and enforceable and I now ask you to respect the wishes of that congress and fund me so i can stop the continuing collecting of illegal funds at state courts who allows masses breaches of oaths, slavery though false arrest and imprisonment. If the supreme court say no you can not look ,state court can not say yes we are so we can collect estimated 1.4 billion dollar per state and there nothing you are going to do about it, then fixes the trial that 95% of the citizens are guilty just to balance there budget and keep people working. It should only take one rulings but the invader keep breaking the citizens rights hoping they will appeal and a new judge will over turn a old ruling which also fixxes the trial.
There are costs that incurred in 5 counties courts amounting to around $5.000 where a freedom bureau commissioner ask the judge of the county to arrest the district attorney ,the sheriff and the county attorney for slavery though false arrests the case is on appeal but you read it when an agent rules there is no appeal but the trial judge refused to listen to the supreme court, the U.S. Constitution, which allows them to believe there court are ferior to the U.S. Supreme Court.
The U.S. Marshal office in Chattanooga refused to follow federal law and now owes 550 million dollars and climbing every day in tax , I now ask you to freeze funding to that unit until the tax is paid to the bureau it is the law.
We need bureau cars with gas ,at least three to fill the requirements of this act that is still law.
The bureau needs a office building with phone and office supply with a staff.
When one of the agent in the future step forward as agent it required that a salary be paid ,back then it was $1.50 a day a carpenter made a dollar a day. Today a carpenter makes $15 - $20 per hour making a commissioner pay about $21.00 per hour. This marine became a commissioner 4 years ago.
Stay funding to the flag room in Washington until they make all states in the U.S. to fly the U.S. flag right as required my the U.S. Flag code of 1959 most important the state court can not fly a war flag in there court only the executive branch of the government can fly the U.S. Flag with the gold trim and in a public fourm the Flag should be ahead of the audience and behind the speaker. The D/a, the criminal, the witness is speakers we come to speak to the judge he audience the U.S. flag must be moved and no other flag shall be equal or higher than the U.S Flag . Must show superior presence wherever it may stand.
Thank you
Basil MarceauxI
423-362-0088
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment